By Daniel Greenfield
Wednesday, April 01, 2020
2 Comments @ Sultan Knish Blog
“If you haven’t seen The Dissident, I hope you will," Hillary Clinton
told the folks at the Sundance Film Festival. The Dissident is
Sundance's hottest documentary. It's also Turkish government propaganda.
Hillary's comments at Sundance exposed a chunk of the fake news problem surrounding The Dissident.
"We just learned about the pacing of malware on Jeff Bezos' phone,
ironically technology created in Israel and sold to the Saudi
government," she falsely claimed.
Despite these false claims made by the Washington Post, a paper owned by
Bezos, which has spread conspiracy theories trying to blame the
exposure of his affair on entire countries, the actual report when
reviewed by cybersecurity experts found no actual malware of any kind on
the billionaire’s phone.
The hack of the billionaire’s phone that wasn’t is an example of the
fake news vortex surrounding the death of Jamal Khashoggi. Bezos cronies
have alleged that the Amazon boss had his affair exposed by the Saudis
in retaliation for the Post’s decision to run Qatari Islamist propaganda
by Khashoggi.
The Dissident is the latest effort at mythologizing Khashoggi, a former
Saudi stooge, terror propagandist, bigot, and friend of Osama bin Laden,
by Islamist interests operating out of Qatar and Turkey. Jamal
Khashoggi was not a journalist: he was producing pro-Islamist and
anti-Saudi propaganda for the Qatar Foundation, a pro-terror
organization, which helped draft his articles and dictated their
content.
There are actual dissidents and actual journalists in prison in Islamist
tyrannies like Turkey. But instead of telling their stories, The
Dissident and its director, Bryan Fogel, turned to Turkey’s Islamist
regime.
Bryan Fogel claims to care deeply about human rights. He cares so deeply
that he ignored the tens of thousands of political prisoners in Turkey,
journalists, judges, professors, and Kurds, to lobby the regime to help
him make a propaganda flick about Khashoggi. Nor is Fogel at all
ashamed of toadying to Turkey.
Articles about The Dissident boast of how Fogel received “unprecedented
access” to material from the Turkish government and its intelligence
apparatus. Any filmmaker gushing about getting exclusive access to CIA
materials while making a completely uncritical documentary about its
role would face a torrent of criticism. Yet The Dissident has met with
equally uncritical praise even as it boasts of its access and parrots
propaganda from a despotic regime which is engaged in ethnic cleansing
at home and abroad.
"I was building a relationship with the Turkish government who at the
end of the day saw the power they could have in this story if they
allowed me to tell it, rather than it coming out through Turkish media,"
Bryan Fogel admitted.
What Fogel was offering Erdogan and his cronies was a credible whitewashing of their propaganda.
The false narrative of Khashoggi as a political dissident, rather than
an Islamist bigot, would be more effective if it came from a seemingly
independent filmmaker rather than the Turkish state which, after
Erdogan’s Reichstag coup, had destroyed the country’s last vestiges of
an independent press.
Asked about Erdogan's human rights abuses, Fogel shrugged them off.
"You have to know when to pick your battles depending on that story
you’re telling… This was not the film to focus on other political
matters and in this case Turkey has been a superhero. I felt very
strongly that this wasn’t the film to go down political rabbit holes,"
he insisted.
Turkey’s lack of an independent press, its ethnic cleansing of Kurds,
and its 48,924 political prisoners would be one of those “political
rabbit holes” that Fogel didn’t want to explore. The Leni Riefenstahl of
Sundance was telling a story about the regime’s political martyr, its
Horst Wessel, and noting that Hitler and Goebbels aren’t very nice
people would be a political rabbit hole that would ruin the whole tale.
You either care about human rights or you don’t. If Fogel cared about
human rights, then the UN special rapporteur’s report documenting the
Erdogan regime’s torture of professors, journalists, officers, and many
others would have made a much better and more important documentary than
The Dissident. It’s a story that has never been told, and, unlike
Khashoggi’s myth, never will be told at any major level.
Fogel pawning out his camera to Erdogan’s regime while refusing to discuss its abuses is an indictment.
Orwell Productions, Fogel’s company, mistakes 1984 for a guide, rather
than a warning. The Dissident is Orwellian, political propaganda, the
same discredited lies, dressed up with special effects and a human
interest angle, on behalf of a dictator who has eliminated actual
dissidents in his own country.
"I needed the world to see and fall in love with Jamal and understand
this man was not Muslim Brotherhood or an al-Qaeda sympathiser or all
these things being presented by Saudi Arabia or being written about by
the alt press in the United States," Fogel tells an interviewer.
The plain facts of the matter are that Khashoggi was both of these things which The Dissident is denying.
Fogel, the director of Jewtopia, may be in love with Khashoggi, but the Islamist would have loathed him.
Jamal Khashoggi, a member of the Muslim Brotherhood, which had allied
with Nazi Germany and continues to celebrate Hitler, promoted the
Protocols of the Elders of Zion and defended Holocaust denial. He
tweeted, “everything can be ended by the rule of Assad and the rule of
the Jews.”
All this vile stuff could be found on Khashoggi’s own Twitter account, not the “alt press”.
The Dissident is yet another exercise in historical revisionism by a
powerful industry built on repeating the same lies: in Fogel’s
Riefenstahlesque case with digital special effects and Turkish
propaganda.
Khashoggi's journalistic career began when he followed his old friend
Osama bin Laden to Afghanistan on behalf of a man listed by the Treasury
Department as one of “the world’s foremost terrorist financiers”. There
he churned out Jihadi propaganda like, “Arab Mujahadeen in Afghanistan
II: Exemplifies the Unity of Islamic Ummah”. Afterward he became a
stooge for the Saudi state for the likes of Prince Turki bin Faisal, who
was linked to Al Qaeda, and blamed 9/11 on American support for Israel.
Jamal Khashoggi became a dissident, not because he wanted a freer Saudi
Arabia, but because Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman had turned on
Islamists like Khashoggi and his Muslim Brotherhood pals.
“Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman should get rid of his complex against
the Muslim Brotherhood and stop treating them as the enemy or a threat
to Saudi Arabia,” Khashoggi had complained, and urged a confrontation
with Israel instead.
After the Saudis were no longer interested in funding Islamist dreams of
world conquest, Khashoggi went to work for the regimes in Qatar and
Turkey who were more than happy to step in. He was a dissident in the
same way that former Communists in Russia or old Nazis in Argentina are
dissidents.
Saudi Arabia under MBS has become more liberal for the average person
while Turkey under Erdogan has become more tyrannical. In Saudi Arabia,
women have become more able to vote and drive. Meanwhile the number of
women being murdered in Turkey for their gender is continuing to rise.
And the perpetrators under Erdogan’s Islamist regime often receive
little more than a slap on the wrist.
The Dissident and Fogel weigh in on the side of dragging Saudi Arabia
back while tossing away the reforms that Islamists loathe, all the while
falsely depicting this as a struggle between autocracy and democracy.
This same Islamist lie led to the Arab Spring and the deaths of hundreds
of thousands of people, the rise of ISIS, the rape of little girls, and
the use of chemical weapons against civilians.
But the liars can’t get enough of that lie.
The Dissident is not a courageous defense of human rights. It’s another
echo in an echo chamber run by Qatar and Turkey. Instead of telling the
stories of the protesters who battled Erdogan’s thugs in the streets,
professors tortured in gymnasiums, and journalists jailed for reporting
on the regime’s corruption, Bryan Fogel chose the profitable route of
amplifying the narratives of Erdogan’s regime.
In interviews, Bryan Fogel had the chutzpah to suggest that his life is at risk for making The Dissident.
"So far I’m OK,” the self-promoting hack claimed. "I have this strange
nightmare that Putin calls Mohammed bin Salman and goes, ‘Hey buddy,
this American filmmaker, he’s causing us lots of problems. You know,
look, maybe we do something.’"
There will be no assassins coming to the Orwell Productions offices in
Santa Monica near the beach. The praise from figures like Hillary
Clinton will keep rolling in as the echo chamber pressures Netflix to
distribute The Dissident as part of a larger campaign of informational
warfare against a reformist Saudi government. If it wins, a new Saudi
government will be more likely to support terrorism against Americans,
Europeans, and Israelis. Like Horst Wessel, Jamal Khashoggi is an
Islamist martyr whose death is being used as the engine to overthrow a
government and kill hundreds of thousands of people.
Daniel Greenfield is a Shillman Journalism Fellow at the David Horowitz Freedom Center. This article previously appeared at the Center's Front Page Magazine. Click here to subscribe to my articles. And click here to support my work with a donation. Thank you for reading.
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