By Joseph L. Bast February 19, 2000
A review
of Joe Thornton, Pandora’s Poison: Chlorine, Health, and a New Environmental
Strategy (MIT Press, 2000)
In the topsy-turvy world of
Greenpeace, man-made chlorine-based chemicals “raise the specter of rising
rates of infectious disease and cancer, infertility, changed behavior, reduced
intellectual ability, and the decimation of wildlife species.” (105)
You and I live in a very
different world, one in which the chlorination of water saves millions of lives
each year, age-adjusted cancer rates are falling, fertility rates are highest
in those countries where exposure to pesticides is most likely and least
regulated, achievement tests must be continuously renormed to account for
rising levels of infant intelligence, and where once endangered species such as
the peregrine falcon, bald eagle, and brown pelican have been or are about to
be moved off the endangered species list.
Greenpeace activists believe
you and I are being duped on all these matters by scientists and bureaucrats
who are getting rich (or at least gaining status) by covering the tracks of
greedy corporations. They have the “leaked memos” and “public relations
reports” to prove it. (326-328)
Greenpeace, it seems, has never met a scientist working for the
Environmental Protection Agency or some other government bureaucracy who sought
to protect his or her job by exaggerating a health risk or proposing to ban a
new chemical regardless of its potential benefit to society.
Joe Thornton’s new book, Pandora’s
Poison: Chlorine, Health, and a New Environmental Strategy, is the latest
volley in Greenpeace’s campaign to ban . . . err, I mean to “sunset” . . . the
commercial use of chlorine. It provides a look inside the left-wing
environmental movement at the beginning of the 21st century, a time
when not just public sentiment and politics are moving decisively away from
anti-capitalist utopias, but the long-expected ecological collapse of the world
is growing more distant as well. It also has a thing or two to teach us about
chlorine.
Mr. Thornton’s Problem
Joe Thornton has a problem.
The conventional tools of toxicology and epidemiology -- what he calls the
“Risk Paradigm” -- fail to document his claim that man-made chemicals are
causing “a stunning array of health effects,” “pose a long-term threat to the health
of humans and wildlife,” and so on. (viii) He knows this because of the very
poor reception given to a recent book, titled Our Stolen Future, written
by Theo Colborn, another Greenpeace staffer, who alleged the same “stunning
array of health effects” and claimed to have met the standards of proof
demanded by the scientific community. In truth, she hadn’t. (It is telling that
Ms. Colborn is acknowledged in the preface of this new book but then not
mentioned at all in the 400 and some odd pages that follow.)
Ms. Colborn got her ears
pinned back, so to speak, by industry (in the form of a long report from
CanTox), government (EPA concluded that “additional research” is required) and
even the media (the New York Times pointed out that “there is a difference
between a hypothesis and convincing evidence.”) (107) As far as public health
scares go, this one was a dud.
Mr. Thornton takes a bold new
tact. He admits that “epidemiology has never conclusively linked background
exposures [of organochlorides] to public health damage” and “science will never
be able to do so as long as the standard is direct and conclusive evidence.”
(110) But this only means the rules are wrong, not that the evidence is
inadequate. The current approach is “utterly ill suited to addressing the
long-term global health threat that organochlorines posed,” he writes. (8) Its
insistence that cause and effect relationships be proven and that there are
thresholds below which exposure does not cause permanent physical harm are not
scientific principles at all, he says, merely “artifacts of science’s limits.”
(107)
Mr. Thornton’s critique of
science could have stopped here, but he goes much farther than this. He accuses
scientists of having a stake in defending the obsolete paradigm since they draw
status and political power from being the ones who decide what levels of
exposure are safe and what are not. (97) Often, he says, there are financial
rewards for those willing to sell out and defend industry. (99). At several
places in this book, Thornton makes references to the “sociology of science” to
claim there are no real objective truths in science, that everything is run
through cultural “filters” that limit what questions are asked and where
scientists should look for problems and solutions. (98, 330)
This attack on the
credibility of scientists isn’t new -- attempting to “deconstruct” science
dates back to the 1930s and is an important part of the “post-modernism” fad
dominating most college English and sociology departments today. Still, its
presence in this book is a bit jarring and unexpected to readers who thought
they were reading a book that takes scientific arguments seriously, even if it
may be somewhat outside the bounds of conventional science. But this tactic is
quite familiar to those who follow the battles between economists and Marxists,
a fight that began two generations ago and continues to this day.
Unable to win the debate on
the economists’ terms, European Marxists during the 1920s and 1930s sought
instead to undermine the credibility of economics by attributing its principles
and assumptions to class bias. If this were true, there could be a “bourgeoisie
economics” and a “proletarian economics,” each reflecting the interests and
experiences of their respective classes. In response, a group of Austrian
economists (most notably Ludwig von Mises) staked out an epistemology of
economics they thought would be immune to the Marxist critique. While not all
of Mises’ elaborate deductive system has been accepted into mainstream economics,
history has been kind to the Austrians. Its subjective theory of values
decisively defeated the antiquated Marxist labor theory of value and is still
widely accepted. “Marxist economics” today is viewed as an oxymoron in most
economics departments.
Thornton attempts to
deconstruct science for the same reason Marxists tried to deconstruct
economics: It is a sign of desperation, since it implies that the battle to
persuade scientists on their own terms has been lost. This in fact appears to
be the case, since anti-market environmentalists have fought a losing battle
against a growing list of authors -- starting with Dixy Lee Ray and including
Julian Simon, Alston Chase, Gregg Easterbrook, Michael Fumento, and most
recently Peter Huber -- who have trashed their paradigm and begun to erect a
new one based on sound science, markets, property rights, and risk assessment.
Environmentalists who cling to the old views, like Thornton, either make increasingly implausible arguments for their view, or like the rioters in Seattle give up on rational debate altogether and break windows and set fires to get attention. Attacking the
credibility of scientists is the literary equivalent of setting fires.
(Part II will follow)
Joseph Bast is president of The Heartland Institute and coauthor of Eco-Sanity: A Common-Sense Guide to Environmentalism.
(Part II will follow)
Joseph Bast is president of The Heartland Institute and coauthor of Eco-Sanity: A Common-Sense Guide to Environmentalism.
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