Early in his campaign, now top-tier Republican presidential candidate, Ben Carson, supported ethanol—a position for which I called him out. It has long been thought, that to win in Iowa, a candidate must support ethanol.
However, in a major policy reversal, Carson told a national audience during the CNBC GOP debate that he no
longer supports subsidies for any industry, including U.S. ethanol producers: “I have studied that issue in great detail
and what I’ve concluded, the best policy is to get rid of all government
subsidies and get the government out of our lives and let people rise and fall
based on how good they are.”
Plainly
irritated, the ethanol industry shot back immediately, saying it receives no government subsidies. But it
neglected to mention a very important fact. Instead of subsidies, ethanol
producers get something better: a mandate that orders refiners to blend ethanol
into motor fuels which forces consumers to buy their product. A federally
guaranteed market beats a subsidy every time.
The ethanol
industry also benefits indirectly from agriculture programs that support
farmers who grow corn for ethanol. And recently, the Obama Administration
announced the U.S. Department of Agriculture is offering $100 million in grants
to subsidize the installation of blender pumps at gas stations
all over the country.
In attempt to
push more ethanol into the motor fuel market, the Environmental Protection
Agency (EPA) readily admits it plans to “drive growth in renewable fuels by
providing appropriate incentives. (Italics added.)”
Carson, and a
majority of Republicans and many Democrats, knows the ethanol mandate is a
do-gooder program that has gone horribly wrong. Enacted by a well-meaning
Congress, in a different energy era, it is part of the Renewable Fuel Standard
(RFS), which requires refiners to add biofuels to
gasoline and diesel—ostensibly to reduce imports of foreign oil. This
multi-headed hydra is siphoning money from consumers’ pockets.
The ethanol
mandate has been blamed for rising food prices—particularly for beef and
poultry—because it has increased the cost of animal feed. Ethanol-blended fuel provides fewer miles per
gallon because ethanol contains only two-thirds as much energy as gasoline, forcing motorists to fill up more often.
The mandate
puts at risk millions of vehicles owned and operated by private citizens and
fleets. Ethanol is corrosive. In tests, it has been proven to eat engine components, including seals and gaskets, causing expensive repairs. The government
does not reimburse motorists for their loss; rather it is allowing—in fact,
encouraging—the sale of fuels containing more and more ethanol.
Most vehicles
on the road today can withstand E10,
a gasoline blend containing up to 10 percent ethanol, but the EPA has granted a
“partial waiver” for the sale of 15 percent blends. AAA advises owners of non-flex-fuel vehicles to avoid
E15, warning that manufacturers will void their
warranties. Although the EPA maintains that 2001 model-year and newer vehicles
can safely use E15, studies by the prestigious Coordinating Research Council found that E15 caused engine damage to
some of the EPA-approved vehicles, leading to leaks and increased emissions.
Likewise, marine engine makers also caution boat owners to avoid
E15. During winter storage, they suggest pouring a fuel stabilizer into built-in gas tanks to avoid problems. A survey of boat owners has shown ethanol-related repairs
cost an average of about $1,000.
These days,
ethanol has few friends. Opponents include such strange bedfellows as the
petroleum, restaurant, livestock and auto industries—and environmental groups.
Despite government
claims to the contrary, studies show ethanol also harms the environment. Earlier this year, the
Environmental Working Group (EWG) discovered the EPA grossly understated the
amount of carbon spewed into the air by the expansion of corn farming. This
month, the EWG found the corn-ethanol mandate is discouraging advanced
biofuels development, which could have environmental benefits.
These are just
some of the problems. There’s also the EPA’s complicated Renewable Identification
Number (RIN) trading scheme, which allows refiners to buy
ethanol credits when not enough is available for purchase. This poorly managed
program has allowed phony ethanol companies to sell fictitious credits and abscond with millions of dollars. And
then there were the huge fines levied against oil companies for failing to add
cellulosic ethanol to gasoline although the advanced fuel did not exist in
commercial quantities—even according to the EPA’s own data.
All of these
costs have an impact on consumers who buy fuel and for taxpayers who pay the
salaries of the bureaucrats who administer the RFS program. Yet the RFS
continues to stumble along because Congress has not mustered the will to repeal
it.
By November
30, the administration must finalize the amount of biofuels that must be
blended into motor fuels in the next couple of years. A pitched battle is
developing on Capitol Hill. On one side are those who want an even larger
market share for ethanol. On the other side are those who see the program for
what it is—a massive payout to one allegedly “green” industry.
The latter
group includes more than 180 Washington lawmakers, including Rep. Bill Flores
(R-TX), who have sent a letter to the administration asking it to
“limit the economic and consumer harm this program has already caused.” Rep.
Peter Welch (D-VT.) was more direct. “We’ve got to just acknowledge that the
corn-based mandate is a well-intended flop,” he said.
If their
effort succeeds, it will not end ethanol production, as there is a free-market
call for it. Energy Economist Tim Snyder, who was influential in developing
many early ethanol plants, told me: “Regardless of the limits the EPA sets, or
the fate of the RFS, we will continue to use ethanol as an additive to provide
an adequate oxygenate for our fuel. Oxygenates are beneficial in reformulated
fuels to reduce carbon monoxide and soot. Formerly we used lead. We replaced
lead with methyl tertiary butyl ether (MTBE) then ethanol replaced MTBE.
Ethanol was initially targeted as only a replacement for previous oxygenates,
however, today with ethanol being 23 cents per gallon more expensive than NYMEX
RBOB, the math doesn’t work and the need to increase blends of ethanol doesn’t
meet the test of proper blending economics.”
Wisely, Ben
Carson has figured out that government meddling in the marketplace is a bad
idea. Contrary to conventional wisdom, his rejection of special treatment for
ethanol is not hurting his campaign. Although the State of Iowa has made
support for ethanol a litmus test for presidential candidates, polls conducted
before and after the Oct. 28 debate, when he announced his revised view on
ethanol, show Carson continues to rise in popularity nationally. Even the
pro-ethanol lobby, using its semantic gymnastics, cannot dispute that fact.
Congress could
learn from Carson’s positive poll numbers by once and for all ending the
ethanol subsidies, er, mandates, without fearing political reprisal. Like
Carson, doing so might even help Congress’ pitiful approval numbers.
The author of Energy Freedom, Marita Noon serves as the executive
director for Energy Makes America Great Inc. and the companion
educational organization, the Citizens’ Alliance
for Responsible Energy (CARE). She hosts a weekly radio
program: America’s Voice for
Energy—which expands on the content of her weekly column.
Follow her @EnergyRabbit.
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