By Daniel Greenfield August 08, 2023 @ Sultan Knish Blog
In
2020, Biden snapped to the host of a black radio show, “Well I tell you
what, if you have a problem figuring out whether you’re for me or
Trump, then you ain’t black.”
The
host had wanted him to stay and answer more questions and Biden curtly
dismissed the idea that there were any more questions to ask. Any black
person who didn’t already support him wasn’t black. But, according to
Biden, it turns out most black people may not be black.
Reuters notes that according to its recent poll,
“18% of black Americans would pick Trump over Biden in a hypothetical
matchup, compared to 46% who favored Biden, including about one in four
black men, compared to about one in seven black women.”
Biden couldn’t even get a majority of black voters in his corner.
That
18% is up from 8% in 2016 and 12% in 2020 which is a fantastic rate of
growth. At that rate, a Republican presidential candidate could be
winning a quarter of the black vote in 2028.
During the 2022 midterms, the Republican share of the black vote similarly rose
from 8% to 14%. Even running black candidates and accusing Republicans
of racism didn’t necessarily help the Democrats. Gov. Kemp doubled his
share of black voters against Stacey Abrams.
What happened?
Republicans have begun making serious investments in the black
community. And a miserable ‘Bidenomics’ economy has hit black people,
who tend to earn less and are more likely to live from paycheck to
paycheck, harder. While white liberal elites can dismiss sharp increases
in the price of milk, bread or gas, black voters are much less likely
to do so.
But Democrats fundamentally have a ‘Blackinx’ problem.
Latinx
has become a symbol of the gulf between ordinary Latinos and a leftist
elite obsessed with sexual identity politics. A more subtler ‘Blackinx’
problem has emerged as the Biden administration has embraced the culture
war, fighting over transgender issues and abortion, rather than talking
about the kitchen table issues that working class people care about.
A
new black activist class that came from colleges rather than
communities had revamped the focus in Washington D.C. away from the
traditional social welfare priorities to niche identity politics issues
and calls for dismantling law enforcement and the justice system.
Typical
of this was Black Lives Matter whose calls to defund the police were
embraced by Democrats only to realize that implementing even limited
versions of the proposals led to skyrocketing crime and that strong
majorities of black voters were fiercely opposed to them.
While
the Biden campaign quickly jettisoned police defunding, it stuck to
other elements of the blackinx agenda, including tying black civil
rights activism to the LGBTQ movement and promoting abortion, that many
black voters were not especially comfortable with. Black activists, many
of them funded by major leftist foundations, including those of George
Soros, were being financed to win elections and swing southern states.
Georgia became a major hub for these efforts with the Democrats scoring
big wins by securing its Senate seats and suffering major losses. But
while election strategies enthused D.C. Democrats, they left black
voters cold.
Black voters see an activist class that is either
out of touch with the community or has sold out. All of this might be
bad enough if they weren’t also coping with a horrendous economy while
their economic concerns are dismissed or mushed up into dogma about
systemic racism because acknowledging the misery might undermine Biden’s
reelection prospects.
Democrats and their media keep wondering
why they’re losing black voters. Articles like “Why Joe Biden Is
Bleeding Black Support” (New York Magazine), “Democrats Fear Loss of
Black Loyalty” (Washington Post) and “Falling Black Support for Biden
Has Democrats Worried” (Time) consistently misdiagnose the problem by
urging Dems to double down on blackinxing.
Blackinx, like Latinx
and its white counterparts, reflect a political elite that has lost
touch with working class voters. After losing the white working class
and developing a shaky relationship with Latino voters, Democrats hoped
to build a wall of black voters. But while the problem has taken longer
to arrive with black voters, it has been slowly building up to a crisis.
Democrats
catastrophically lost white non-college voters, especially white men,
71% of whom voted for Trump in 2016 and 66% of whom voted for him in
2020, and are on the verge of losing non-college Latino voters who
backed Biden by only 55 to 41 over Trump, and have also begun bleeding
black men and the problem is starting to get big enough to affect the
big picture.
After years of talking to black voters almost
exclusively about “voting rights” and “criminal justice reform”,
Democrats are wondering why these preoccupations of the D.C. activist
class aren’t generating meaningful black support. Black voters see
Democrats passionately rallying to the cause of drag shows and abortion,
but don’t see that conviction when it comes to black issues.
Black
communities are being torn apart by massive crime waves and economic
misery are not especially interested in redistricting battles and
transgender books in schools yet this is what Democrats talk about,
especially in the South, rather than anything black voters care about.
There
is a long tradition of Democrats paying attention to black voters only
during election season, but with the arrival of blackinx, they’ve lost
the ability to talk to black voters. The old grifting reverends like
Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton were seen by many in the black community
as clowns yet they were still seen as coming out of the community, but
the same cannot be said of a new black political elite, whose most
prominent representative was Barack Obama and now Kamala Harris, who
don’t share goals, values or even a common language.
Ordinary
black voters think Kamala Harris represents them about as much as white
working class voters feel represented by Beto O’Rourke. Biden was half
right when he said, “if you have a problem figuring out whether you’re
for me or Trump, then you ain’t black.” Apart from his mythical days
marching in Selma and wrestling with Corn Pop, Biden is surrounded by
black staffers, aides and allies who are representative of a D.C.
political elite, not black people.
Biden, like a lot of
Democrats, has come to mistake blackinx for black. His idea of black
people consists of black female party operatives who, like their white
and Asian peers, embrace trendy causes, cry at DEI sessions and base
their entire identity around pop leftist politics. This small blackinx
elite, the graduates of gender studies and black studies programs at top
colleges, who went on to corporate and then party positions, don’t
speak for the larger black electorate.
And Biden has come to believe that the larger black electorate isn’t really black.
Blackinx,
like Latinx, is a real phenomenon, but it’s in the single digits and
represents little more than a small number of academic, entertainment
and political spaces, not the black community.
Biden will win the
blackinx voter but he may be shakier when it comes to the black vote.
And he is facing the possibility of having to declare that most black
people are not black.
Daniel Greenfield is a Shillman Journalism Fellow at the David Horowitz Freedom Center. This article previously appeared at the Center's Front Page Magazine.
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