In
June, in a sparsely populated county in northern New Mexico, a primary election
surprisingly unseated an incumbent County Commissioner. No one seemed to
notice. But, apparently, high-ranking Democrats to the north were paying
attention.
The
northern New Mexico county is Mora. The high-ranking Democrats: from Colorado.
The election upset was about Mora County’s oil-and-gas drilling ban.
In
April 2013, the Mora County Commission voted, 2 to 1, and passed the
first-in-the-nation county-wide ban on all
oil-and-gas drilling. It was spearheaded by Commission Chairman John Olivas—who
also served as northern director for the New Mexico Wilderness Alliance.
Since then, two lawsuits have been filed against the little county because of
the anti-drilling ordinance.
A
little more than a year after Olivas’ pet project, the Mora County Water Rights
and Self-Governance Ordinance, was passed, he was ousted. Olivas didn’t just
lose in the Democrat primary election, he was, according to the Albuquerque
Journal, “soundly beaten” by George Trujillo—59.8% to 34.2%. Both Olivas and
Trujillo acknowledged that the ban had an impact on the outcome, with Olivas saying:
“In my opinion, it was a referendum on oil and gas.” Trujillo campaigned on a
repeal of the ordinance (which, due to the language of the ordinance will be
difficult to do) and has said he is open to a limited amount of drilling in the
eastern edge of the county.
Mora
County’s ban on all drilling for hydro-carbons, not just fracking, was incited
by an out-of-state group: the Pennsylvania-based Community Environmental Legal
Defense Fund (CELDF),which has also been active in Colorado.
CEDLF
holds Democracy Schools around the
country where attendees are taught the “secrets” of peoples’ movements focusing
on the rights of communities, people, and the earth. In Mora, CELDF’s Democracy
School was organized by Olivas’ mother—who, along with his friends, also
chaired subcommittees believed to
have been organized to monitor Olivas’ interests.
In
Colorado, a Boulder-based Democrat Congressman and environmental activist,
Jared Polis, has worked hard to collect thousands of signatures—spending,
according to the Wall Street Journal
(WSJ), “millions of dollars of his own cash to promote the measures”—to get two
anti-oil-and-gas initiatives on November’s ballot. His blue-haired mother (No,
I am not elder-bashing. She has it dyed blue and purple.) has campaigned with him.
Polis’
proposed initiative 89 would have given local governments control over
environmental regulations under an “environmental bill of rights”—which mirrors
language promoted by CELDF and used in Mora County. Polis also backed ballot
measure 88 that would have limited where hydraulic fracturing could be
conducted.
The
presence of 88 and 89 on the ballot, sparked two opposing measures: 121 and
137. 121 would have blocked any oil-or-gas revenue from any local government
that limits or bans that industry—an idea also proposed, but not passed, in the
New Mexico legislature. 137 would have required proponents of initiatives to
submit fiscal impact estimates.
Much
to the horror of environmental activists, the battle of ballot initiatives
ended before anyone ever got to vote on them.
On
Monday, August 4, Polis and Colorado Governor John Hickenlooper held a news conference
where they pushed for a compromise to avoid a “messy ballot fight.” Instead,
they are proposing an18-member task force to issue recommendations to the
Colorado Legislature next year on how to minimize conflicts between residents
and the energy industry. Later in the day, an agreement was reached and both
sides pulled the opposing measures.
Backers
of proposed initiatives 88 and 89 are outraged. They feel Polis sold out.
Hickenlooper
said the
suggested restrictions, if passed, posed “a significant threat to Colorado’s
economy”—which they would. However, given the history of the lowly New Mexico
county commissioner, the compromise may be more about “a significant threat to
Colorado’s” Democrat party.
A
November 2013 Quinnipiac poll found that
most Coloradans support fracking—only 34 percent oppose it. Noteworthy is the
political divide: 80 percent of Republicans support fracking, only 9 percent
oppose it. More Democrats oppose fracking, 54 percent, while only 26 percent
support it. But the numbers indicate that Republicans are most likely to come
to the polls in November to insure the economically advantageous activity is
not curtailed—and this scares Democrats such as Hickenlohooper and Senator Mark
Udall, who are both up for reelection in November. Udall, according to the WSJ,
“ran in 2008 as a full-throated green-energy champion.” His 2014 Republican
opponent Congressman Cory Gardner points to the economic benefits of fracking,
as seen in North Dakota and Texas.
Had
the measures not been pulled, the WSJ reports: “the issue would have been at
the center of the fall debate.”
In
addition to driving Republicans to the polls, the anti-fracking measures didn’t
have a high probability of survival. While Colorado communities have previously
passed anti-drilling initiatives—Boulder, Broomfield, Fort Collins, Lafayette,
and Longmont—the most recent attempt in Loveland failed after an organized industry effort to educate voters on the safe track
record of fracking and its economic benefits. Additionally, in late July, a
Boulder County District Court judge struck down Longmont’s fracking ban. The
Denver Post reported: “Under Colorado law, cities cannot ban drilling entirely but
can regulate aspects of it that don’t cause an ‘operational conflict’ with
state law.”
In
New Mexico, the lawsuits have not yet made their way into court, but it is
expected that, like Colorado, the courts will rule in favor of state statutes.
Constitutionally protected private property rights
should triumph.
Polis,
who made his millions from the sale of the Blue Mountain Arts
greeting card website, presented his initiatives as a “national referendum on
fracking.” As the WSJ states: “In that sense he was right.” Colorado Democrats
realize that allowing an anti-fracking fervor to drive an election is a
dangerous decision. The Democrats support for banning fracking—while killing
jobs, hurting the local and national economy, damaging America’s energy
security, and threatening private property rights—should unseat two top
Democrats by driving Republicans to the polls. And, this could become the
national referendum on fracking.
The
author of Energy Freedom, Marita Noon serves as the
executive director for Energy Makes America Great Inc. and the companion
educational organization, the Citizens’ Alliance for Responsible Energy (CARE). Together they work
to educate the public and influence policy makers regarding energy, its role in
freedom, and the American way of life. Combining energy, news, politics, and,
the environment through public events, speaking engagements, and media, the organizations’
combined efforts serve as America’s voice for energy.
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