Napoleon Bonaparte purportedly said “Let China sleep, for when China
wakes, she will shake the world.”
As Thomas J. Christensen, the author of his recently published “The
China Challenge: Shaping the Choices of a Rising Power”, reminds us, “For
millennia China was arguably the greatest civilization on the planet and for
many previous centuries its most powerful empire.”
China is no longer an empire, but it remains a huge nation
geographically and huge in terms of its population.
- The population of China is estimated at 1,393,783,836 as of July 1 2014.
- China ranks number 1 in the list of countries by population.
- 54% of the population is urban (756,300,115 people in 2014).
- The median age in China is 35.7 years.
Christensen is a former Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East
Asian and Pacific Affairs. Currently he is the William P. Boswell Professor of
World Politics and director of the China and World Program at Princeton
University. After reading his book, you might well conclude that there is
little about China and Asia he does not know.
We are mostly dependent on various news stories about China to have any
idea what is occurring, but the fact remains that just as the U.S. has its
optimists and pessimists, conservatives and liberals who influence policy the
same exists for China, so a lot depends on who is being quoted. Generally,
though, it is only the top leaders who are. That means we are getting the
Chinese “party line” and the occasional general or admiral warning against any
aggression.
China did not begin to awaken as a modern nation until after the death
of Mao Zedong, the founder of the People’s Republic of China, a Communist with
a capital “C.” Christensen notes that, while keeping its political ideology,
the leader that followed him made a “peaceful transformation launched under CCP
leader Deng Xiaopping in 1978 and the collapse of the superpower Soviet Union
thirteen years later that made China appear to stand tall again among the great
powers.” The transition was to a capitalist-based economy.
These days the Chinese and the Russians are making efforts to achieve
areas of cooperation and, in particular, their militaries. They hold drills
together for common defense strategies.
Christensen believes that “China’s return to great power status is
perhaps the most important challenges in twenty-first century American
diplomacy”, but to put that in context he points out that “China’s per capita
income is only one fifth that of the United States” and “though a true trade
superpower, many of its exporters are controlled at least in part by foreign
investors.”
“Still, the pessimists do not give enough credit to the sustainability
of U.S. leadership in Asia,” says Christensen. “For example, they often
underestimate the value of American’s unparalleled network of allies and
security partners.” You can be sure that the Chinese leadership does not.
They also have, as one would expect, concerns about U.S. military power
in their area of the world, but they feel the same about Japan and South Korea
as well. “China is not currently an enemy of the United States,” says
Christensen, nor is it likely to be for a long time to come.
“It does not need to be contained like the (former) Soviet Union. Nor
should China become the kind of regional or global adversary that we have faced
in the past, although that outcome, unfortunately, is still a distinct
possibility.” That possibility depends on China’s leadership now and in the
future. For now they are concentrating on their economy and are likely to do so
for many years to come.
“China’s economic clout is real and growing rapidly, especially since
the 2008 financial crisis. China has been the main engine of growth for the
world’s economy since that time and, by some measures, has become the world’s
number one trading state.” There is only one reason why the U.S. has not yet
recovered from the financial crisis and his name is Barack Obama.
I suspect that Obama is held in disdain by the Chinese leadership
despite all the public handshakes. For one thing, China weathered the financial
crisis far better than the U.S. “One of the burdens the new Obama
administration inherited in early 2009 was a China bearing a mix of cockiness
and insecurity that would negatively influence its policies in 2009-2010,” says
Christensen and as the U.S. foundered in Afghanistan and Iraq “American power
inspired less awe.”
“Sometime in 2012, the ‘Asia pivot’” of the Obama administration “would
be jettisoned in Washington for the more subtle ‘Asia rebalance.’” If you get
the feeling that the Obama administration has no real China policy or one that
will have little influence, you are right.
With regard to China, It likely does not matter what the Obama
administration does for its remaining one and a half years in office.
Various scholars and diplomats will continue to keep a watchful eye on
China and most surely many corporate leaders and U.S. entrepreneurs will do so
as well given its huge population as a marketplace. It’s already a great
tourist destination.
Napoleon was right.
© Alan Caruba, 2015
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